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Many pages have been written on the Iraq War - its origins, its goals, the mistakes made, and the tragic stalement in which Iraq is stuck now - by people whose knowledge and experiences are very impressive. Our intention is not to add another forum that would comment on these matters.

Our goal is to offer a more personal discussion that accompanies a concrete proposition that could act as a catalyst to react positively with the stagnant stalemate in which all the parties to this complex situation find themselves today...

... and our central objective is to give direction toward a concrete and positive outcome for the courageous and suffering men, women, and children in the United States and in Iraq who have sacrificed so much, whether voluntarily or not, in the path of History's unforgiving wake.

This blog is specifically focused on both defending the proposition that it offers while incorporating alternative ideas coming from criticism whether positive and negative. We will post comments that we find constructive whether we agree or not, but this is not an open forum for intellectual narcissism or ideological obstinacy..

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6/26/07

A "Strategic Reset"?

There is a lot to be said for this vision, but so much of it presumes a flexible Bush administration and a susceptible community of international partners that we continue to feel it is putting the cart before the horse if the fundamental legitimacy of any constructive path can be laid that would incorporate the three necessary elements implied below

  • the withdrawal of U.S. military and political influences from the center of the Iraqi political conflict...
  • the isolation and marginalization of the most incorrigible and violent participants in the conflict...
  • the constructive involvement of regional actors as well as a more diverse set of global powers and institutions
Just as the Iraq Study Group proposals would have been a huge step forward if embraced wholeheartedly at the time of their promulgation, this proposal is valuable but misses the point: the timing is such that another meaningless renewal of the current UN Mandate, whatever cosmetic changes it might contain, would simply undermine the legitimacy of any international involvement in the future of the Iraqi tragedy while doing nothing to propose a concrete exit strategy for either the U.S., its allies, or even for its adversaries who will still be there long after the U.S. has left.

We simply wish to suggest that the urgent search for a truly different international mandate for Iraq would be a catalyst toward a more positive set of options...

The Authors of A Call for a New International Mandate for Iraq

from the Center for American Progress: "Strategic Reset: Our New Plan"
  • Accept the Reality of Iraq's Political Fragmentation
    • Immediately phase out the unconditional arming, equipping, and training of Iraq’s security forces.
    • Shift reconstruction, governance, and security assistance to provinces where practical and possible.
  • Implement a Phased Military Redeployment from Iraq within One Year
    • Extract U.S. troops from Iraq’s civil wars before the end of 2008.
    • Make counterterrorism our country’s No. 1 priority.
    • Redeploy U.S. troops to neighboring countries and temporarily station 8,000 to 10,000 soldiers in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq until 2009 to prevent a cross-border conflict involving our key ally Turkey, and to protect the region from an expansion of intra-Iraqi violence
  • Initiate Regional Security and Diplomatic Efforts to Contain Iraq’s Conflicts
    • Promote collective security efforts with active working groups on counterterrorism, refugees, and security confidence-building measures.
    • Use the forthcoming review of the United Nations mandate for Iraq to secure formal commitments from other countries to help Iraq as the United States redeploys from Iraq.
  • Develop a Strategy to Resolve the Arab-Israeli Confl ict and Stabilize the Middle East
    • Appoint a special Middle East envoy with support from two senior ambassadors who would work on two key tracks—containing and managing Iraq’s multiple conflicts and resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict.
    • Work with partners in the Middle East Quartet as well as regional organizations such as the Arab League to manage and resolve conflicts in the region.
Action Agenda for Strategic Reset in the Middle East in 2007–2008
  1. Call for a redeployment of U.S. troops and closure of U.S. military bases in Iraq by the end of 2008. Congress should use the 2008 Defense Authorization and Appropriations bills to call for an immediate redeployment of U.S. troops.
  2. Advocate for measures to enhance U.S. military readiness. The current Bush Iraq strategy has led to historic problems with personnel and equipment in the U.S. Army, Marines, and National Guard. Congress should include measures to re-equip our armed forces and support U.S. military personnel and veterans in the Defense Authorization and Appropriations bills.
  3. Cut off unconditional U.S. support for Iraq’s national security forces. Congress should stop training Iraqi national forces and seek enforcement of the Leahy Amendment (see page 20 for details on the amendment).
  4. Increase the number of Iraqis allowed in the United States annually from 7,000 to 100,000. The United States has a moral obligation to help Iraqis displaced by the conflict, particularly those who risked their lives working with the U.S. military and diplomatic personnel. The Bush administration should raise the limit immediately and implement measures to more efficiently respond to requests for asylum.
  5. Downsize the U.S. embassy in Baghdad and diversify U.S. presence around Iraq. Congress should use legislation to make the U.S. embassy smaller without diminishing security for diplomatic personnel.
  6. Put pressure on other countries to provide increased economic and humanitarian assistance to Iraqis. Congress should ask for a full review of the total development and humanitarian assistance needs of Iraq from the Bush administration, a complete accounting of assistance pledged by other countries, and a plan to help Iraq garner support for economic reconstruction.
  7. Create a new special envoy for Middle East diplomacy. Congress should require the president to appoint a seasoned high-level envoy who can command attention in the region and the resources the State Department and other agencies may need to contain and manage Iraq’s conflicts and resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict. This senior diplomat should provide Congress with quarterly reports outlining steps toward stabilizing the region and resolving its conflicts.
  8. Provide additional funding and support for collective security efforts in the Middle East and Gulf region. The United States should support cooperative security measures as it resets its military presence in the Gulf region with confidence-building measures such as enhanced border security and increased communications and early warning systems to prevent conflicts.
  9. Advocate for a new U.N. mandate for Iraq. The United States should lead an international dialogue on the mandate to restructure international support for Iraq when the current U.N. mandate authorizing the U.S.-led coalition expires at the end of 2007.
  10. Prevent continued waste, fraud, and corruption in Iraq. Congress should continue to exercise increased oversight of the billions of dollars lost in Iraq reconstruction projects. Working with the World Bank and other international organizations, the United States should set good governance standards for Iraq’s provincial, local, and national governing authorities.